International report

The legal noose is tightening around Turkey’s main opposition party, with waves of arrests targeting mayors and local officials. But the troubles of the Republican People’s Party (CHP) could deepen further, as a court case threatens the removal of its leadership. "We are fighting for the future of Turkey's democracy," said party leader Ozgur Ozel to tens of thousands of supporters at a rally in Ankara on Saturday. Ozel has been travelling the country since March, when Istanbul mayor Ekrem Imamoglu was arrested on graft charges. The case marked the start of a legal assault on the CHP. Ozel now speaks at rallies twice a week, despite his often hoarse voice. The party is also defending itself in court over alleged voting irregularities at a congress two years ago that elected Ozel as leader. If the court rules against them, Ozel and the rest of the party leadership could be removed and replaced by state-appointed trustees. "It's unprecedented," said political analyst Sezin Oney of the Politics news portal. "There has not been such a purge, such a massive crackdown on the opposition, and there is no end in sight, that's the issue." Macron and Erdogan find fragile common ground amid battle for influence Arrests and polls On Wednesday, another CHP mayor in Istanbul was jailed, bringing the total to 16 detained mayors and more than 300 other officials. Most face corruption charges. The arrests come as the CHP’s new leadership is stepping up its challenge to President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Recent opinion polls give Imamoglu and other CHP figures double-digit leads over the president. Oney said the prosecutions are part of Erdogan’s wider strategy. "He's trying to complete the transformation, the metamorphosis as I call it, of Turkey to become a full authoritarian country," she said. "There is an opposition but the opposition is a grotesque opposition, that can never have the power actually to be in government. But they give the perception as if the country is democratic because there are elections." Armenia and Azerbaijan peace deal raises hopes of Turkish border reopening ‘Multi-front attack’ Ilhan Uzgel, the CHP’s foreign affairs coordinator, said the party is under siege. "We are under a multi-front attack from all directions at almost every level, running from one court case to another," he said. He argued that Erdogan’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) is using fear to force defections. "Sixteen of our mayors are in jail right now, and they threaten our mayors. You either join our party or you face a jail term," Uzgel said. Erdogan rejects any suggestion of coercion and insists the judiciary is independent. Since he came to power more than 20 years ago, however, not a single AKP mayor has been convicted on graft charges – though on Friday at least two local mayors from the ruling party were detained as part of a corruption investigation. Turkey warns Kurdish-led fighters in Syria to join new regime or face attack Political risks Despite appearing dominant, Erdogan may face a backlash. Atilla Yesilada, a political analyst with Global Source Partners, said the crackdown is fuelling public anger. "You look at recent polls, the first complaint remains economic conditions, but justice rose to number two. These things don't escape people's notice; that's what I mean when I say Erdogan took a huge political risk with his career," he said. Erdogan currently trails behind several potential challengers, but elections are still more than two years away. Yesilada said much depends on the stance of Erdogan’s ally Devlet Bahceli, leader of the Nationalist Movement Party. "It's quite possible at some point, Bahceli will say enough is enough, you are destroying the country, and may also end the coalition," he said. Bahceli formed an informal alliance with Erdogan in 2018, when Turkey switched to a presidential system. Erdogan relies on Bahceli’s parliamentary deputies to pass constitutional reforms needed to...

Following years of tension, the presidents of Turkey and France are finding new areas of cooperation. Ukraine is at the centre of this shift, but the Palestinian territories, the Caucasus and Africa are also emerging as shared priorities. However, analysts warn that serious differences remain, making for an uneasy partnership. French President Emmanuel Macron is pushing for the creation of a military force to secure any peace deal made between Russia and Ukraine. Turkey, which boasts NATO’s second-largest army, is seen as a key player in any such move – especially given that Washington has ruled out sending US troops. For its part, Ankara has said it is open to joining a peacekeeping mission. “Macron finally came to terms [with the fact] that Turkey is an important player, with or without the peace deal. Turkey will have an important role to play in the Black Sea and in the Caucasus,” said Serhat Guvenc, professor of international relations at Istanbul’s Kadir Has University. Macron last month held a lengthy phone call with his Turkish counterpart, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, focused on the Ukraine conflict, and thanked him for his diplomatic efforts to end the war. Turkey eyes Ukraine peacekeeping role but mistrust clouds Western ties Turning point For Professor Federico Donelli of Trieste University, this marks a dramatic turnaround. Previously, the two leaders have frequently exchanged sharp words, especially over Turkey’s rising influence in West Africa and the Sahel. “In Paris, public opinion and the press criticised this move by Turkey a lot,” said Donelli. “At the same time, the rhetoric of some Turkish officers, including President Erdogan, was strongly anti-French. They were talking a lot about the neocolonialism of France and so on.” Donelli added that cooperation over Ukraine has pushed France to reconsider its Africa stance. “As a consequence of Ukraine, the position of France has changed, and they are now more open to cooperating with Turkey. And they [understand] that in some areas, like the Western Sahel, Turkey is better than Russia, better than China,” he said. Analysts also see new openings in the Caucasus. A peace agreement signed in August between Azerbaijan, which was backed by Turkey, and Armenia, which was supported by France, could provide further common ground. Macron last month reportedly pressed Erdogan to reopen Turkey’s border with Armenia, which has been closed since 1993. Turkish and Armenian officials met on the countries' border on Thursday to discuss the normalisation of relations. Turkey walks a tightrope as Trump threatens sanctions over Russian trade 'Pragmatic cooperation' But clear differences remain, especially when it comes to Syria. The rise to power of Turkish-backed President Ahmed al-Sharaa is seen as undermining any French role there. “For Erdogan, the victory of al-Sharaa in Damascus on 24 December is the revenge of the Ottoman Empire, and Ankara doesn't want to see the French come back to Syria,” said Fabrice Balanche, a professor of international relations at Lyon University. Balanche argued that France is losing ground to Turkey across the region. “It's not just in Syria, but also in Lebanon – the Turks are very involved, and in Iraq, too. We [the French] are in competition with the Turks. They want to expel France from the Near East,” he said. Despite this rivalry, Guvenc predicted cooperation will continue where interests align. “In functional terms, Turkey's contributions are discussed, and they will do business, but it's going to be transactional and pragmatic cooperation, nothing beyond that,” he said. One such area could be the Palestinian territories. Both Macron and Erdogan support recognition of a Palestinian state and are expected to raise the issue at this month’s United Nations General Assembly. For now, shared interests are likely to outweigh differences – even if only temporarily.

The bombing of the Druzhba pipeline has disrupted oil supplies to Hungary and Slovakia and exposed new political rifts in Central Europe. RFI spoke with Andreas Goldthau of the Willy Brandt School of Public Policy about the wider implications for regional energy security and the shifting dynamics between Russia, Ukraine and the European Union. The bombing was attributed by Russian and Hungarian officials to Ukrainian drone forces, with Ukraine justifying the strike as part of its broader campaign against Russia following the latter's invasion in 2022. The strike resulted in oil flows to Hungary and Slovakia being cut off, and also exposed political divides at the heart of Central Europe’s energy security, sparking a diplomatic fallout between Kyiv, Budapest and Bratislava. "The bombing drives home the point that Russian energy supplies remain a point of contest, particularly in Central and Eastern Europe, which remains dependent on [oil] coming from the east,” said Andreas Goldthau, director of the Willy Brandt School of Public Policy at the University of Erfurt in Germany. Pipeline dispute shows Central Europe’s struggle to cut ties with Russian oil 'Not a matter of supply' Despite EU-wide efforts to reduce reliance on Russian energy – which Goldthau acknowledges is "no longer a big issue for Europe as a whole" – Hungary and Slovakia stand as outliers, locked into long-term contracts and dependent on the Druzhba line. When the pipeline was struck multiple times in August and September, forcing a halt to crude deliveries, both governments were forced to draw on strategic reserves. But how Hungary and Slovakia are coping, is “more a political choice than anything else," Goldthau told RFI. "It is not a matter of supply, but a matter of price and transport logistics, because it could eat into the margins of refineries if you have to source it from other parts and other geographies." Central Europe, he added, “could source through ports in Croatia, and they could have done this already by now, but they chose not to”. 'A political decision' Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s government responded to the strike angrily, calling it “an attack on Hungary’s sovereignty”. The country's foreign minister, Péter Szijjártó, said: “Ukraine knows very well that the Druzhba pipeline is vital for Hungary’s and Slovakia’s energy supply, and that such strikes harm us far more than Russia.” Both Budapest and Bratislava have demanded EU intervention and accused Kyiv of jeopardising their security, just as reserves were being tapped to keep refineries running. From Washington to Warsaw: how MAGA influence is reshaping Europe’s far right Meanwhile, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky suggested the attacks might hinge on Hungary lifting its EU accession veto, warning: "The existence of the friendship depends on what Hungary’s position is." Ukrainian officials also say that Hungary and Slovakia have failed to diversify away from Russian oil, despite ample opportunity and EU support. According to Goldthau, Russian leverage over the EU "is gone, by and large". He explained: "The EU’s main suppliers are now the United States and Norway. Kazakhstan comes into play, but Russia no longer plays a role." Ukraine, he noted, “no longer gets any Russian oil or any Russian gas, it merely functions as a transit country”. The attack and subsequent diplomatic spat might have provided Hungary and Slovakia “a perfect occasion to pivot and seek alternative supplies, but it’s a purely political decision to do that or not,” Goldthau said. "Whatever changes that [decision] lies at home, and not abroad."

Turkey's President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has warned of military action against the Syrian Democratic Forces over its failure to honour an agreement to merge its military with the new regime in Damascus. In a move steeped in symbolism, Turkey’s leader chose recent celebrations marking the Ottoman Turks' defeat of the Byzantine Christians at the Battle of Malazgirt in 1071 to issue an ultimatum to the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). "Those who turn to Ankara and Damascus will win," Erdogan bellowed to thousands of supporters on 26 August. "If the sword is unsheathed, there will be no room left for pens and words." Turkey, a strong ally of Syria, has a military presence in the country and the two governments recently signed a defence training agreement. But Turkey is unhappy with the presence of the SDF, a coalition of Kurdish and Arab forces, which controls a large swathe of Syria bordering Turkey's own predominantly Kurdish region. Peace or politics? Turkey’s fragile path to ending a decades-long conflict Buying time The SDF is affiliated with the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), which has for years been fighting Turkey for greater Kurdish minority rights. The PKK is listed as a terrorist organisation by Turkey, the European Union and the United States. But Ankara is engaged in a peace process with the Kurdish militants, who have committed to disbanding. However, Kurdish analyst Mesut Yegen, of the TIM think tank in Istanbul, says the disarmament process would be limited to Kurds from Turkey, and doesn’t include SDF forces in Syria. Erdogan is now ramping up pressure on the SDF to honour an agreement its leader Mazloum Abdi signed in March with Syria's new President, Ahmed Al Sharaa, to merge his military forces with the new regime in Damascus. The deal is backed by the US, which has a military force in the SDF-controlled region as part of its war against the Islamic State. But, according to Fabrice Balanche from Lyon University: "The SDF has no intention of implementing the agreement made in March. Mazloum just wanted to gain time." Balanche points out that Abdi's SDF is a staunchly secular organisation and remains deeply suspicious of Sharaa's jihadist connections. Recent attacks on Syria's Druze minority by forces linked to Sharaa appear to confirm the SDF's fears over merging with the Damascus regime, says Balanche. Syria’s interim president vows justice for Druze after deadly clashes 'Israel would like a weak Syria' At the same time, Erdogan is aware that the emergence of an autonomous Kurdish state on its border could be exploited by its rival Israel, which is looking for non-Arab allies in the region. Aydin Selcen, a former senior Turkish diplomat and an analyst for Turkey's Mediyascope news outlet, said: "Strategically, Israel would like a weak Syria, a weak Damascus, a weak Beirut and a weak Tehran." Turkey has carried out military incursions against the SDF, and its forces remain massed on the border. But Balanche says American presence there will likely deter any new Turkish military action. However, he warns that Ankara could seek to fuel Kurdish Arab rivalries within the SDF, with the fall of former ruler Bashar al-Assad last December. Turkey walks a fine line as conflict between Israel and Iran cools "It is different now, you have a Sunni leader in Damascus, and many [Arab] tribes, many people, prefer to join Damascus," he explained. "So the risk is a proxy war. Of course, for the new regime, it would be a disaster. If you have no peace, you have no investment, you have no trust." The dilemma facing Ankara is that any new conflict against the SDF would likely weaken the Sharaa regime – a key ally.

Turkish armed forces could play a major role in securing any peace deal between Ukraine and Russia. For Ankara, this would be a chance to reassert itself at a time when many fear it is being sidelined by Western allies. European and US military chiefs last week reportedly presented ideas to their national security advisers on how to guarantee Ukraine’s security if there is a peace deal with Russia. The discussions followed a summit of European leaders in Washington with US President Donald Trump on ending the conflict. "It's going to be a big challenge, but they will find ways of tackling that challenge without the US troops on the ground," said Serhat Guvenc, professor of international relations at Istanbul’s Kadir Has University. "It will be a novelty because Europe has never carried out any peacekeeping or stabilization operation of this magnitude before." Turkey, with NATO’s second-largest army, is seen as a possible option. "Turkey is an option, you know. And it seems that there is some talk of Turkish contribution," Guvenc added. Armenia and Azerbaijan peace deal raises hopes of Turkish border reopening Ankara signals readiness On the same day, French President Emmanuel Macron held a phone call with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan to discuss Ukraine’s security. Ankara has already signalled it could take part in monitoring any peace deal, but Moscow’s approval would be necessary. "If the parties agree, Turkey may send our troops to peacekeeping operations," said Mesut Casin, a former presidential adviser and professor at Istanbul’s Yeditepe University. Casin pointed to Turkey’s past record in UN operations. "Turkey joined many UN peacekeeping operations in the former Yugoslavia, Somalia, and Korea, and in many other peacekeeping operations. The Turkish army is very powerful," he said. "Also, remember Putin is talking many times with Erdogan, and at the same time, Zelensky is visiting Ankara." Turkey and Italy boost cooperation in bid to shape Libya’s political future Balancing Moscow and Kyiv Since the start of the war, Erdogan has kept good relations with both Russia and Ukraine. Ankara has refused to apply most international sanctions on Moscow, while at the same time selling vital military hardware to Kyiv. That balancing act has raised questions among European partners. "Turkey ought to have been at the Washington meeting," said Soli Ozel, an international relations scholar at the Institute for Human Studies in Vienna. Even though Turkey borders both Ukraine and Russia, Erdogan was excluded from this month’s summit between Trump and European leaders. "The fact that it wasn't backs the observation that the bigger players or the major partners are not bringing Turkey center stage, they're sidelining it," Ozel added. Despite this, Ankara remains strategically important. "They keep it in the play, it's important because if you're going to need troops, you're going to need Turkey. If you're going to talk about the Black Sea security, you need Turkey. And so you cannot really dismiss Turkey," Ozel said. But he warned that mistrust is limiting Ankara’s role. "You're not making it part of the process that will hopefully lead to a conclusion or a peace treaty between Ukraine and Russia. There is a lack of trust, and I think that has something to do with the way Turkey has conducted its diplomacy," Ozel said. Peace or politics? Turkey’s fragile path to ending a decades-long conflict Doubts over influence Some analysts suggest Ankara hopes Europe’s reliance on Turkish forces or its navy for Black Sea security could help restore influence. But others see limited gains. "There is no automatic increase in Turkey's influence and credibility as a result of taking part in such operations," said Guvenc. "It does have a certain impact, but on the other hand, such contributions do not change other Western partners' views of Turkey." Rather than a reset with Europe, Guvenc sees a continuation of the...

The signing of a peace deal between Armenia and Azerbaijan in Washington has raised hopes of ending decades of conflict and reopening Turkey's border with Armenia. The deal, brokered by US President Donald Trump, commits both countries to respect each other’s territorial integrity – the issue at the centre of bloody wars. The agreement is seen as paving the way for Turkey to restore diplomatic ties with Armenia. "Ankara has been promising that once there is a peace agreement, it will open the border," says Asli Aydintasbas, of the Washington-based Brookings Institution. "There was a brief period in the post-Soviet era when it [the border] was opened, but that was quickly shut again due to the Armenian-Azeri tensions." Aydintasbas says reopening the border could have wide-reaching consequences. "Armenia and Turkey opening their border and starting trade would be a historical moment in terms of reconciliation between these two nations, which have very bitter historic memories," she adds. "But beyond that, it would help Armenia economically because it's a landlocked country entirely dependent on Russia for its protection and its economy." Turning point In June, Armenia’s Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan met Turkey’s President Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Istanbul. The meeting was seen as a turning point in relations long overshadowed by the memory of the 1915 Armenian Genocide, which Ankara still officially denies. "There's now a degree of personal chemistry between the Armenian prime minister and Erdogan. This was seen in a June historic meeting, the first ever bilateral contact, a face-to-face meeting," says Richard Giragosian, director of the Regional Studies Centre, a think tank in Yerevan. Turkey closed its border with Armenia in 1993 after ethnic Armenians in Azerbaijan seized the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh enclave. The enclave was retaken by Azerbaijani forces in 2022. Giragosian says the peace deal, along with warmer ties between Pashinyan and Erdogan, could now help Yerevan reach a long-sought goal. "In the longer perspective for Turkey and Armenia, this is about going beyond the South Caucasus. It's about Central Asia. It's about European markets, potentially a new Iran in the future," he says. Erdogan congratulated Pashinyan on Monday over the deal, but made no official pledge on reopening the border. That decision may lie with Azerbaijan’s president, Ilham Aliyev. "They [Ankara] will be looking to Baku. Baku is basically able to tell Turkey not to move on normalisation with Armenia, not to open the border," says Aydintasbas. "Part of the reason is that Turkey has developed an economic dependency on Azerbaijan, which is the top investor in Turkey. In other words, little brother is calling the shots, and I think that Ankara, to an extent, does not like it, but has come to appreciate the economic benefits of its relationship with Azerbaijan." Azerbaijani demands on Armenia Azerbaijan is also pushing for changes to Armenia’s constitution, which it claims makes territorial claims on Nagorno-Karabakh. "The Armenian constitution refers to the Declaration of Independence of Armenia, which has a clear clause on the unification with Armenia, with Nagorno-Karabakh," says Farid Shafiyev of the Centre for Analysis of International Relations, a Baku-based think tank. Shafiyev warned that without reform, the peace deal could unravel. "Let's say, imagine Pashinyan losing elections, a new person says: 'You know, everything which was signed was against the Armenian constitution.' For us, it is important that the Armenian people vote for the change of the constitution," Shafiyev says. Analysts note that changing the constitution would require a referendum with more than 50 percent turnout – a difficult and time-consuming process. Time, however, may be running short. Russia is seen as the biggest loser from lasting peace in the Caucasus. For decades Moscow exploited the conflict to play Armenia and Azerbaijan against each...

Turkey and Italy are working more closely on migration, energy and regional influence as they seek to shape Libya’s political future. Both see the North African country as a key shared interest and are moving to consolidate their positions in the conflict-torn but energy-rich eastern Mediterranean. Earlier this month, the leaders of Italy, Turkey and Libya’s Government of National Accord (GNA) met in a tripartite summit – the latest sign of growing cooperation between the three Mediterranean nations. “Turkey and Italy have both differing interests, but interests in Libya,” explains international relations professor Huseyin Bagcı of Ankara’s Middle East Technical University. “Particularly, the migration issue and illegal human trafficking are big problems for Italy, and most of the people are coming from there [Libya], so they try to prevent the flow of migrants. "But for Turkey, it’s more economic. And Libya is very much interested in keeping the relations with both countries.” Turkey and Italy consider teaming up to seek new influence in Africa Migration, legitimacy concerns Turkey is the main backer of Libya’s GNA and still provides military assistance, which was decisive in defeating the rival eastern-based forces led by strongman Khalifa Haftar. An uneasy ceasefire holds between the two sides. Libya security analyst Aya Burweilla said Turkey is seeking Italy’s support to legitimise the Tripoli government, as questions grow over its democratic record. “What it means for the Tripoli regime is very positive. This is a regime that has dodged elections for years," she says. "Their job was to have democratic elections, and one of their ways to make sure they stay in power was to get foreign sponsors, like Turkey... Now, with this rubber stamp from Meloni in Italy, they can keep the status quo going at the expense of Libyans.” Years of civil war and political chaos have turned Libya into a major hub for people smugglers. Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, elected on a pledge to curb irregular migration, sees stability in Libya as key to that goal. “The migration issue has become very, very urgent in general for Europe, but of course for Italy too,” says Alessia Chiriatti of the Institute of International Affairs, a think tank in Rome. Trump and Erdogan grow closer as cooperation on Syria deepens Mediterranean ambitions Chiriatti said Meloni’s partnership with Turkey in Libya also reflects broader foreign policy goals. “There is another dimension – I think it’s directly related to the fact that Italy and Meloni’s government want to play a different role in foreign policy in the Mediterranean space," she says. "Italy is starting to see Africa as a possible partner to invest in … But what is important is that Italy is starting to see itself as a new player, both in the Mediterranean space and in Africa, so in this sense, it could have important cooperation with Turkey.” She points out that both Italy and Turkey share a colonial past in Libya. That legacy, combined with the lure of Libya’s vast energy reserves, continues to shape their diplomacy. Ending the split between Libya’s rival governments is seen as vital for stability. Moscow’s reduced military support for Haftar, as it focuses on its war in Ukraine, is viewed in Ankara as an opening. “Russia is nearly out, and what remains are Turkey and Italy,” says Bagcı. He added that Ankara is making overtures to the eastern authorities through Haftar’s son Saddam, a senior figure in the Libyan military. “The son of Haftar is coming very often to Ankara, making talks. It’s an indication of potential changes... But how the deal will look like I don’t know, we will see later. But it’s an indication of potential cooperation, definitely.” Turkey steps into EU defence plans as bloc eyes independence from US Shifting alliances Libya was discussed when Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan met Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi in Cairo on Saturday. Sisi...

Ankara is aiming to dodge President Donald Trump’s threat of sanctions against countries that trade with Russia. While Turkey is the third largest importer of Russian goods, it has largely escaped international sanctions against Russia over its invasion of Ukraine. However, with Trump vowing to get tough with Moscow if it fails to make peace with Kyiv, that could change. “I am going to make a new deadline of about 10 or 12 days from today," Trump declared at a press conference on 28 July during his visit to Scotland. "There is no reason to wait 50 days. I wanted to be generous, but we don’t see any progress being made.” The American president admitted his efforts to end the Ukraine war had failed and that his patience with his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin, was at an end. Turkish President Erdogan ready to rekindle friendship with Trump Trump later confirmed 8 August as the date for the new measures. With US-Russian trade down 90 percent since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Trump warned that other countries importing Russian goods would also be hit by secondary sanctions. “If you take his [Trump] promises at face value, then he should look at all countries that import any Russian commodities that is of primary importance to the Russian budget - this includes, of course, crude oil, and here you have China and India mostly,” explained George Voloshin of Acams, a global organisation dedicated to anti-financial crime, training and education. Voloshin also claims that Turkey could be a target as well. “In terms of petroleum products, Turkey is one of the big importers. It also refines Russian petroleum in its own refineries," Voloshin added. "Turkey imports lots of Russian gas through the TurkStream pipeline. Turkey is very much dependent on Russian gas and Russian petroleum products." Turkey's rivalry with Iran shifts as US threats create unlikely common ground Since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Ankara insists it is only bound by United Nations sanctions. Last year, Turkey was Russia’s third-largest export market, with Russian natural gas accounting for more than 40 percent of its energy needs. Putin has used Turkey’s lack of meaningful domestic energy reserves and dependence on Russian gas to develop a close relationship with his Turkish counterpart, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. “Putin knows that no matter what Trump wants, Turkey is not going to act in any military or sanctions capacity against Russia and Iran. You know, these are Turkey’s red lines. We can’t do it,” said analyst Atilla Yeşilada of Global Source Partners. “Trump is 10,000 miles away. These people are our neighbours,” added Yeşilada. “So Putin doesn’t think of Turkey as a threat, but as an economic opportunity, and perhaps as a way to do things with the West that he doesn’t want to do directly.” Ankara is performing a delicate balancing act. While maintaining trading ties with Russia, Erdoğan remains a strong supporter of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky. Turkey is a major arms seller to Ukraine, while at the same time, Erdoğan continues to try and broker peace between the warring parties. Last month, Istanbul was the venue for Russian–Ukrainian talks for the second time in as many months. Such efforts drew the praise of Trump. Trump and Erdogan grow closer as cooperation on Syria deepens Trump's pressure mounts on energy and trade The American president has made no secret of his liking for Erdoğan, even calling him a friend. Such close ties, along with Turkey’s regional importance to Washington, analysts say, is a factor in Ankara’s Western allies turning a blind eye to its ongoing trade with Russia. “I think Turkey has got a pass on several levels from Russian sanctions,” observed regional expert Sinan Ciddi of the Washington-based think tank the Foundation for Defense of Democracies. However, Ciddi cautions that Trump remains unpredictable and that previous actions are no guarantee for the future. “Past experience is not an...

Azerbaijan is increasingly engaging in tit-for-tat actions towards powerful neighbour Russia amid escalating tensions in the South Caucasus region. This comes as Baku deepens its military cooperation with long-standing ally Turkey. In a highly publicised move, Azerbaijani security forces in Baku recently paraded seven arrested Russian journalists – working for the Russian state-funded Sputnik news agency – in front of the media. Their detentions followed the deaths last month of two Azerbaijani nationals in Russian custody, which sparked public outrage in Baku. "That was quite shocking for Baku, for Azerbaijani society – the cruelty of the behaviour and the large-scale violence," Zaur Gasimov of the German Academic Exchange Service, a professor and expert on Azerbaijani-Russian relations told RFI. "And the Russian-wide persecution of the leaders of Azerbaijani diasporic organisations took place (this month)," he added. Tit-for-tat tactics Tensions between Russia and Azerbaijan have been simmering since December, when Russian air defences accidentally downed an Azerbaijani passenger aircraft. Baku strongly condemned Moscow’s lack of an official apology. The deaths in custody, which Moscow insisted were from natural causes, and the broader crackdown on Azerbaijan’s diaspora are being interpreted in Baku as deliberate signals. "This kind of news had to frighten Azerbaijani society, which is aware of the fact that around two million ethnic Azeris with Azerbaijani and Russian passports are living in the Russian Federation," explained Gasimov. "So the signal is that we can oust them, and they would come to Azerbaijan. That should be an economic threat." Gasimov noted that while Baku may have previously backed down in the face of Russian pressure, this time appears different. "The reaction of Azerbaijan was just to react, with tit-for-tat tactics," he said. Shifting power in Caucasus Baku’s self-confidence is partly attributed to its military success in 2020, when it regained control over the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region and adjacent territories from Armenian forces after a six-week war. "The South Caucasus is changing," noted Farid Shafiyev, Chairman of the Baku-based Centre for Analysis of International Relations. Shafiyev argues that the era of Moscow treating the region as its backyard is over. "Russia cannot just grasp and accept this change because of its imperial arrogance; it demands subordination, and that has changed for a number of reasons. First of all, due to the Russian-Ukrainian war, and second, due to the trajectory of events following the collapse of the Soviet Union. The third very important factor is Turkey," added Shafiyev. Turkey, a long-standing ally of Azerbaijan, has significantly increased military cooperation and arms sales in recent years. Turkish-made drones played a key role in Azerbaijan’s 2020 military campaign. In 2021, the Shusha Declaration was signed, committing both nations to mutual military support in the event of aggression. Turkey also plans to establish one of its largest overseas military bases in Azerbaijan. "A very strong relationship with Ankara, marked by strong cooperation in the economic and military fields for decades, as also outlined in the Shusha Declaration several years ago, is an asset and one of the elements of Azerbaijan’s growing self-confidence," said Gasimov. Azerbaijan and Turkey build bridges amid declining influence of Iran Strategic rivalries Turkey’s expanding influence in the South Caucasus – at Russia’s expense – is the latest in a series of regional rivalries between the two powers. Turkish-backed forces countered a Russian-aligned warlord in Libya, and Turkey-supported factions have contested Russian influence in Syria. These confrontations have strained the once-close ties between Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Russian President Vladimir Putin. "No doubt that the Putin-Erdogan relationship is not as good as it used to be because...

With political landscapes across Europe shifting, in this edition of International Report we explore the growing influence of Donald Trump's "Make America Great Again" movement on the continent's politics. Conservative think tanks, whose influence was once limited to Washington's corridors of power, are now establishing connections with political actors and organisations in countries such as Poland and Hungary, working to shape Europe's future. This report delves into the activities of the Heritage Foundation and its burgeoning alliances with groups including Ordo Iuris in Poland and the Mathias Corvinus Collegium in Hungary. These organisations advocate for conservative cultural and economic reforms, sparking heated debate over national identity, the structure of the European Union and the future of liberal democracy across the region. Can Europe withstand the ripple effect of the MAGA political wave? As alliances form and agendas clash, a crucial question looms: are these movements charting a course toward genuine European reform, or steering the continent toward greater division? Voices from both sides share their perspectives, revealing the complexity behind this transatlantic ideological exchange. Our guests: Chris Murphy, Senator (D, Connecticut) Kenneth Haar, researcher at Corporate Europe Observatory Zbigniew Przybylowski, development director at Ordo Iuris Rodrigo Ballester, head of the Centre for European Studies at Mathias Corvinus Collegium (MCC)

One of the world's most protracted armed conflicts could finally be drawing to a close in Turkey. This month, a small group of fighters from the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), which has been waging an armed struggle against the Turkish state for greater minority rights, voluntarily disarmed. At a ceremony in northern Iraq, PKK commander Bese Hozart announced that the disarmament by 30 fighters - 15 men and 15 women - was undertaken freely and in line with the group's commitment to pursue a democratic socialist society through peaceful means. The fighters' weapons were burned as part of the symbolic event. The move came just days after the release of a video message from imprisoned PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan, who reiterated his call for an end to the armed struggle and the formal dissolution of the group. It was the first time the Turkish public had heard Öcalan’s voice since his incarceration in 1999. PKK ends 40-year fight but doubts remain about the next steps Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan responded by telling supporters that the country had reached a historic moment. Ankara now expects a complete disarmament of the remaining PKK fighters by autumn. Since the beginning of the peace process last year, Erdoğan has ruled out making concessions, insisting the rebels are unilaterally surrendering. However, the high-profile nature of the disarmament ceremony is increasing pressure on the government to respond in kind. “This is a historic moment; this is a conflict that has been going on for nearly half a century. Now it's the government's turn to actually open up the political space,” said Aslı Aydıntaşbaş of the Brookings Institution in Washington. “Both the Kurdish side and the Turkish side are telling their own constituencies that they’re not giving up much—trying to convince their bases, which, in both cases, seem unprepared for such a radical shift,” she added. Kurdish leader Ocalan calls for PKK disarmament, paving way for peace Opaque negotiations, rising distrust As a gesture of goodwill, the government has reportedly improved Öcalan’s prison conditions and allowed communication through a so-called “secretariat.” However, the PKK continues to press for broader concessions, including an amnesty for its members and the right for ex-fighters to return to Turkey. There have also been calls for Öcalan’s release, alongside the release of tens of thousands of individuals jailed under Turkey’s broad anti-terror laws. Yet concerns are mounting over the transparency of the peace negotiations. “It’s really difficult even to assess it because we don’t really know what’s going on,” said Zeynep Ardıç, an expert on conflict resolution at Istanbul’s Medeniyet University. “Some negotiations don’t need to be public, but the public should still be informed,” she said. Ardıç warned that the current polarization in Turkish politics and a legacy of mistrust built over decades of conflict make transparency essential. “There should be a bit of transparency, because people don’t trust state institutions, people don’t trust each other, people don’t trust the government or the judiciary. So, it’s not easy to succeed under these circumstances. The government needs to reinstall trust - not just among Kurdish people, but among Turkish people as well.” Politics could undermine fragile progress Following the disarmament ceremony, Erdoğan announced the formation of a parliamentary commission to oversee the process, including members from his ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), his coalition partner the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), and the pro-Kurdish People's Equality and Democracy Party (DEM). Notably absent was the main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP), whose exclusion is fueling fears that Erdoğan is politicizing the peace process. Erdoğan requires the support of Kurdish parliamentarians to amend the constitution and potentially remove presidential term limits—allowing him to remain in power...

Forty years after the bombing of its Rainbow Warrior vessel, Greenpeace International’s executive director Mads Christensen tells RFI that the attack not only failed to silence the movement, but made it stronger than ever. In an exclusive interview, he reflects on how an act of violence became a rallying cry. Christensen, who was 13 years old at the time of the sinking, remembers being inspired by the courage of the crew, who sailed into danger to protest French nuclear testing in the Pacific. The bombing, which killed photographer Fernando Pereira, revealed the extreme lengths to which governments were willing to go to protect their interests – and the power of peaceful resistance in the face of aggression. You still can't sink a rainbow, Greenpeace boss says 40 years after bombing The slogan “you can’t sink a rainbow” became a symbol of defiance and resilience for Greenpeace. Christensen argues that the bombing ultimately gave the movement greater momentum and visibility, proving that when governments attempt to crush protest they often strengthen it instead. Today, Greenpeace faces new threats – from SLAPP suits to fossil fuel giants using legal action to intimidate activists. But just as in 1985, Christensen says Greenpeace will not be silenced. The Rainbow Warrior’s legacy lives on in every campaign, every act of mobilisation and every young activist who refuses to look the other way. Forty years after the Rainbow Warrior bombing, activists still under attack

Turkey's main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) is warning that the future of democracy in the country is at stake, as a legal crackdown against it intensifies. This month has seen three more city mayors arrested in anti-corruption probes, while half of CHP parliamentary deputies are facing having their legal immunity lifted. Thousands marched through the streets of the Mediterranean city of Adana in protest at the arrest of its mayor on alleged corruption charges. The mayors of Antalya and Adiyaman have also been detained on similar charges. More than a dozen mayors of Turkey's main opposition CHP have now been jailed. The legal crackdown began in March with the jailing of Istanbul's mayor, Ekrem Imamoglu, and on Wednesday, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan vowed there would be no letting up. "We launched an investigation into the largest theft ring in the history of the Republic, the most reckless organised crime organisation ever," Erdogan told his parliamentary deputies. "Those who took bribes, those who practically held cities under extortion, those who put people in a difficult situation and then robbed them were all CHP people," he continued. A battle for survival Erdogan further ratcheted up the pressure on the CHP with a presidential motion calling for the lifting of parliamentary immunity from 61 out of CHP's 121 deputies. CHP leader Ozgur Ozel is also under investigation for allegedly inciting public hatred and insulting the president. Ozel is at the forefront of leading anti-government protests across the country, which continue to attract large crowds as the party builds a significant lead in opinion polls over Erdogan's Justice and Development Party (AKP). The CHP claims their growing success is what is motivating the recent prosecutions, rather than corruption. "These are politically driven arrests and investigations," declared party spokesman Ilhan Uzgel. "Not a single government party mayor is even investigated." Uzgel admits that with more than 500 of its officials having been arrested, the party is facing a battle for survival. "The government has all the instruments of the state. They control the judiciary, they control the police force etc etc. So it's very difficult to stop it." Despite mounting pressure, however, Uzgel insists they will not back down. "We are organising rallies twice a week, our leader is very energetic. He [Ozel]... said we are not going to back down. The government, they don't want the opposition party to challenge Erdogan's authority. This is the core of the issue right now." Turkey walks a fine line as conflict between Israel and Iran cools Broadcasting bans However, the political noose around the neck of the CHP continues to tighten. This week, the opposition Sozcu TV station was banned for 10 days by regulatory authorities for "inciting public hatred" after broadcasting protests against the jailing of the Istanbul mayor, Ekrem Imamoglu. Another opposition TV station, Halk, is facing a similar ban. The two are among the few media outlets that continue to report on the ongoing CHP protests against the waves of arrests. The broadcast bans are being seen as a sign that the days of critical media could be numbered. "I believe by the end of this year we might be hearing of the start of the liquidation of critical TV channels," claims Erol Onderoglu, Istanbul representative of the Paris-based NGO Reporters Without Borders. Fears are growing too that the threat against independent media is part of a much more worrying process of the dismantling of the pillars of democracy. Turkey steps into EU defence plans as bloc eyes independence from US Opinion polls However, the government appears to be losing the battle for people's minds, with several opinion polls reporting that more than 60 percent of people polled believe the legal crackdown on CHP is politically motivated. Anger against the government also continues to grow over 40 percent inflation. Sezin Oney, an...

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s June visit to Turkey marks the latest step in the ongoing rapprochement between the two countries. The move comes as Ankara seeks to expand its influence in the Caucasus, amid the waning power of regional rivals Iran and Russia. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s hosting of Pashinyan in Istanbul last month represents a notable diplomatic effort to normalise relations. Ankara had severed diplomatic ties and closed its border with Armenia in 1993 following the war between Armenia and Turkey’s close ally, Azerbaijan, over the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh enclave. However, Pashinyan’s Istanbul visit is being hailed as groundbreaking. “I believe it was very significant for several reasons. It was the first bilateral diplomatic summit between the Turkish and Armenian leaders,” explains Richard Giragosian, Director of the Regional Studies Centre, a Yerevan-based think tank. Until now, interactions between the two leaders had been limited to multilateral engagements—such as Erdoğan’s inauguration and meetings on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly. But Giragosian argues that the Istanbul meeting carries deeper significance. “This is the first bilateral invitation from Turkey to the Armenian leader. That reflects a second important development: Turkey is seeking to regain its options with Armenia,” observes Giragosian. Armenia looks to reopen border with Turkey as potential gateway to the West Zangezur corridor at centre One of the key issues discussed was the creation of a land bridge through Armenia to connect Azerbaijan with its Nakhchivan exclave, which borders Turkey. Known as the Zangezur Corridor, this project is a strategic priority for Ankara. It would not only link Turkey directly to its key ally and vital trade partner Azerbaijan, but also open a new route for Turkish goods to Central Asia. “It is especially important now from an economic standpoint,” notes international relations professor Hüseyin Bağcı of Ankara’s Middle East Technical University. Pashinyan’s visit is seen as part of a broader Turkish diplomatic push to secure regional support for the Zangezur Corridor. “This is why Prime Minister Pashinyan came to Turkey,” says Bağcı, who suggests Erdoğan is attempting to counter Iranian resistance. “The Zangezur Corridor should not be held hostage by Iranian opposition. It shouldn’t be conditional on Iran’s stance,” he adds. Iran, Armenia’s powerful neighbour, strongly opposes the corridor. Currently, Turkish goods must transit through Iran to reach Central Asia—giving Tehran significant leverage. Iran has often restricted this trade during periods of diplomatic tension with Ankara. More critically, Tehran fears the proposed 40-kilometre corridor would cut off a vital route it uses to bypass international sanctions. Despite Turkish diplomatic efforts, Iran remains firmly opposed. “Nothing has changed in Tehran’s position regarding the Zangezur Corridor. Iran is still against the project,” warns Prof Dr Zaur Gasimov of the German Academic Exchange Service. Growing military buildup in Azerbaijan and Armenia a concern for peace talks Gasimov notes, however, that recent geopolitical developments—particularly Israel’s ongoing conflict with Iran—have shifted the regional balance in Ankara’s favour. “As of July 2025, Iran’s diplomatic, political, and military capabilities are far more constrained than they were just a few years ago, due to Israel-led and US-led operations,” says Gasimov. “In both military and political terms, Iran is now significantly limited.” Yet Azerbaijan’s insistence that the Zangezur Corridor operate independently of Armenian control remains a major sticking point for Yerevan, says Giragosian. Still, he believes the broader aim of establishing a new trade route—combined with Turkey’s willingness to reopen its border—offers the region both economic incentives and a path towards stability through mutual dependence. “The reopening of closed...

Turkey has spent weeks walking a diplomatic tightrope, caught between its outrage over Israel’s actions and its reluctance to cross the United States. A ceasefire deal brokered by President Donald Trump has given Ankara some breathing room – at least for now. “We welcome the news that an agreement has been reached on the establishment of a ceasefire between Israel and Iran, which came late last night,” Erdogan said before departing for the NATO summit in The Hague. Israel’s war on Iran had put Erdogan in a tricky spot – maintaining his hostility towards Israel without damaging his ties with Trump. On Saturday, Erdogan slammed Israel, calling it a “terrorist state”, while warning that the war on Iran threatened to plunge the region into chaos. The speech, delivered in Istanbul at a meeting of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, was just the latest in what has become an almost daily verbal assault on Israel. But the United States bombing of Iran just a few hours after Erdogan spoke drew little reaction from Ankara beyond a short statement expressing its “concern” over the attack. Turkey's rivalry with Iran shifts as US threats create unlikely common ground Words versus actions Erdogan’s actions have also not always matched his rhetoric.The Turkish leader resisted opposition calls to close the US-operated NATO Kurecik radar base near the Iranian border. “Turkey is not interested once again in going into conflict with America because, if you close Kurecik, then it is a NATO issue, and Israel has close relations also with NATO,” said international relations professor Huseyin Bagci of Ankara’s Middle East Technical University. The Kurecik radar station, Bagci said, is important to Israeli security. “Turkey signed the acceptance (agreement) that Israel should take information from Kurecik,” Bagci added. “There is no in an article in the case of war that Turkey would not provide the information. So, this is why Erdogan, based on this fact, is not undertaking any steps against Israel.” Earlier this month, Erdogan lobbied Baghdad not to follow Tehran’s calls to intercept Israeli warplanes using Iraqi airspace to strike Iran. All moves that are likely to play well with Trump. Erdogan values what Trump has called a “great friendship”. The two leaders are expected to meet for the first time since Trump’s re-election on the sidelines of the NATO summit in The Hague, where Erdogan will likely be seeking an invitation to Washington. With Turkey and Iran long-time regional rivals, competing for influence from the Caucasus to Central Asia and the Middle East, Ankara also shares the West’s concerns over Tehran’s nuclear programme. “Turkey definitely doesn’t want a nuclear-armed Iran, because that is going to trigger a proliferation process in the Middle East,” said Serhan Afacan, head of the Center for Iranian Studies, a research organisation in Ankara. Interim president Sharaa weighs up Ankara and Riyadh in power struggle for Syria Refugee fears and regional risks The United States bombing of Iran’s nuclear facilities – which Washington claims has ended Tehran’s atomic programme – drew no condemnation from Ankara. But the risk of a wider conflict has raised fears of growing instability and the possibility of a refugee wave into Turkey from Iran. Trump’s surprise move to broker a ceasefire between Iran and Israel will come as a relief to Ankara, said regional expert Professor Zaur Gasimov of the German Academic Exchange Service in Istanbul. He warned the ceasefire came just as signs were emerging of a refugee exodus. “What we see now is already now is the mobility of people within Iran, leaving Tehran and other bigger cities, going to different directions, that is a challenge for the entire region. And maybe Turkey is a country that is about to observe a refugee influx coming from Iran by the border,” said Gasimov. He warned Ankara is likely not prepared for such an exodus. “That is a challenge. So, Turkey is currently...

The European Union is working more closely with Turkey on defence, aiming to build military independence as fears grow over Russia and doubts linger about continued US support. Earlier this month, EU and Turkish officials met under the bloc’s Common Security and Defence Policy for the first time in three years. The talks are part of a push to develop a more independent European defence system, amid concerns that a second Donald Trump presidency might weaken NATO’s guarantee to protect Europe. Many see Turkey as well-placed to help meet the EU’s defence goals. “We have huge potential for cooperation with Turkey,” said Federico Donatelli, an international relations expert at Trieste University. He pointed out that Turkey has the second-largest army in NATO, and that “many European defence systems are in some way compatible with Turkish military hardware because the majority of EU members are NATO members”. Donatelli said Turkey’s fast-growing defence sector could help the EU’s efforts to rearm. “Turkey is one of the emerging players in the security market. One of Turkey’s key assets is producing efficiently at a lower cost compared with American or Israeli companies.” Ankara's expanding military Turkey was recently admitted to the EU’s €150 billion Safety Assistance for Europe arms procurement programme. While Turkey is not yet one of the top 10 global weapons producers, it has made major advances in certain areas. It is one of the world’s biggest producers of military drones and has developed a fifth-generation stealth fighter jet. Last year, Turkish company Repkon built a munitions factory in the United States using technology designed to speed up production. And this month, Turkey’s drone maker Baykar signed a deal with Italy’s Leonardo to develop drones together. The deal is expected to help Baykar meet EU rules that require 65 percent of the value of any arms contract to go to an EU firm. Sinan Ciddi, of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies in Washington, said Turkey brings valuable assets to the table. “Turkey has a vast ability not only to procure and manufacture but also to supply these, that’s readily available. So, on the physical side, it’s great,” said Ciddi. Concerns over Turkish politics But Turkey’s position on the war in Ukraine has raised eyebrows. Ankara has kept ties with both Kyiv and Moscow, and Ciddi said this creates a dilemma for the EU. “On the political side, it puts the EU in a rather precarious position of having to rely on a country like Turkey simply because, you know, Turkey has been playing both sides of this conflict, so it’s a double-edged sword,” he said. Greece and Cyprus are also worried about closer defence ties between the EU and Turkey. Both have territorial disputes with Ankara. While relations between Athens and Ankara have improved, Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis insists that any defence deal with Turkey must include a clear promise to drop threats of war. Turkey has said for 30 years it might use force if Greece extends its territorial waters in the Aegean Sea. Athens says it has a legal right to do so under a UN maritime convention. Turkey has rejected the demand, saying the issue should be resolved through talks. Mitsotakis is due to meet Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan on the sidelines of this month’s NATO summit. Greek, Cypriot objections sidelined Greece and Cyprus still have veto powers in the EU and have used them against Turkey in the past. But Donatelli said Russia’s actions have changed the mood in Europe. “Nowadays, I think the priority of European countries – and the European Union as a whole – is more important than any concerns from Cyprus and Greece,” said Donatelli. “I don’t think they will be able to halt this process,” he added. “Honestly, the priority for European countries is security: to increase production and to cooperate with all actors who can help in the defence sector.” In a move widely seen as a way to get...

Turkish authorities are intensifying their crackdown on Istanbul's imprisoned mayor, Ekrem İmamoğlu. The move comes as İmamoğlu, despite his incarceration, remains President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s principal political rival, with protests continuing over his arrest. On Wednesday, a suburb of Istanbul witnessed the latest demonstration in support of the city's detained mayor. Despite the protest taking place in a traditional electoral stronghold of President Erdoğan, tens of thousands attended. İmamoğlu masks In a recent attempt to quell the unrest, Istanbul’s governor’s office issued a decree ordering the removal of all images, videos, and audio recordings of İmamoğlu from state buildings and public transport across the city. Within hours, social media was flooded with footage of people wearing İmamoğlu masks while riding public transport. Turkey's youth rise up over mayor's jailing and worsening economy “Up to 75% are against İmamoğlu's arrest, as the aversion to Erdoğan's attempt to sideline his opponent with foul play was widely distributed by all parties,” claimed political analyst Atilla Yeşilada of Global Source Partners, citing recent opinion polls. Yeşilada argues that the poll’s findings underscore the opposition’s success in winning over public opinion. “There is a strong reaction. This is not a temporary thing. It's a grievance that will be held and may impact the next election whenever they are held,” he added. Recent opinion polls also show İmamoğlu enjoying a double-digit lead over Erdoğan in a prospective presidential race, with a majority of respondents believing the corruption charges against the mayor are politically motivated—a claim the government denies. Erdogan's jailed rivals Political analyst Sezin Öney of the independent Turkish news portal Politikyol suggests Erdoğan may have expected İmamoğlu to follow the same fate as other jailed rivals, whose influence faded once imprisoned. “The government is counting on the possibility that İmamoğlu is jailed, is out of sight, out of mind, and the presidency will have his ways,” explained Öney. Further arrests as Turkey cracks down on protests over jailed Istanbul mayor Turkish authorities have persistently sought to curtail İmamoğlu’s presence on social media. His accounts on X (formerly Twitter) and Bluesky have been frozen following court rulings. The fate of opposition journalists Similar actions have been taken against opposition journalists and their supporters. “The operation goes deeper and deeper in recent months; it’s just a very concerted policy to create a blackout in this vibrant society,” claimed Erol Önderoğlu, Istanbul representative of the Paris-based Reporters Without Borders. The legal crackdown on the Istanbul municipality continues, with further waves of arrests extending even to İmamoğlu’s personal bodyguard. His party, the Republican People's Party (CHP), is also under investigation for alleged irregularities at its party congress. Analyst Öney predicts that further crackdowns are likely, given the potential implications for Erdoğan’s political future. “I am sure this is being calculated and recalculated every day—whether it’s beneficial to throw more cases at him (İmamoğlu), by weakening his party, the Republican People's Party, weakening him personally, or whatever is convenient. But the sky is the limit,” explained Öney. Nevertheless, each new crackdown appears only to fuel the momentum behind opposition protests, which continue to attract large crowds across the country—including in Erdoğan’s own political bastions. Protest movement The leader of the main opposition CHP, Özgür Özel, has earned praise for his energetic performances and has won over many former sceptics. However, analyst Yeşilada questions whether Özel can sustain the protest movement. “I feel in the summer months, it’s very difficult to keep the momentum; the colleges are closed, and people are shuffling through the country, so if that (protests) is...

In this week's International Report, RFI’s Jan van der Made takes a closer look at the recent Romanian elections, in which centrist candidate Nicușor Dan secured a decisive victory over his far-right rival, George Simion. On 26 May, pro-EU centrist Nicușor Dan was sworn in as President of Romania, having vowed to oppose “isolationism and Russian influence.” Earlier, Dan had emerged victorious in a closely contested election rerun, widely viewed as pivotal for the future direction of the NATO and EU member state of 19 million people, which shares a border with war-torn Ukraine. The vote followed a dramatic decision by Romania’s Constitutional Court five months prior to annul a presidential election, citing allegations of Russian interference and the extensive social media promotion of the far-right frontrunner—who was subsequently barred from standing again. Although nationalist and EU-sceptic George Simion had secured a commanding lead in the first round, Dan ultimately prevailed in the second-round run-off. RFI speaks with Claudiu Năsui, former Minister of Economy and member of the Save Romania Union, about the pressing challenges facing the country—from economic reform and political polarisation to the broader implications of the election for Romania’s future, including its critical role in supporting Ukraine amid ongoing regional tensions.

Some African leaders regard United States President Donald Trump’s decision to halt aid to the continent as an opportunity to foster self-reliance. They have already initiated plans to mobilise the necessary resources to reshape Africa’s aid landscape. “Trade, not aid, is now the pillar of our policy in Africa,” said United States ambassador Troy Fitrell, from the Bureau of African Affairs, in a speech on 14 May at business summit in Abidjan. The declaration settles any doubts over the Trump administration’s position on aid towards Africa. The US – the world single largest aid donor in the world, according to the United Nations – no longer wants to disburse billions in foreign aid, despite the fact that it represents a small percentage of its entire budget. In 2023, the US spent $71.9 billion in foreign aid, which amounts to 1.2 percent of its entire budget for that fiscal year. President Donald Trump repeatedly stated that aid is a waste. For years, Africa has been the region receiving more funding from the United States than any other. Across the African continent, Trump’s executive orders were initially met with shock, anger, and despair — but also with a renewed determination to change course and place African resources at the heart of African healthcare. In February, at an African Union summit, Rwandan President Paul Kagame announced that the AU’s health institutions, including the Centres for Disease Control, would take the lead in seeking alternatives to US funding. “Africa now finds itself at a crossroads. The health financing landscape has shifted dramatically. “I propose that, over the next year, we work together to define new mechanisms for concrete collaboration on healthcare among governments, businesses, and philanthropies,” he told African leaders. “The work of building our continent, including our healthcare systems, cannot be outsourced to anyone else.” To untangle what is going on, for this edition of Interntional Report, RFI interviewed Eric Olander, editor-in-chief of the China-Global South Project; Chris Milligan, former foreign service officer at USAID, in Washington; Mark Heywood, human rights and social justice activist in South Africa, co-founder of the Treatment Action Campaign (TAC); Onikepe Owolabi, vice president of International research at the Guttmacher institute in New York; Monica Oguttu, founding executive director of KMET, Kisumu Medical and Education Trust, in Kenya.

Turkey and the United States are stepping up their cooperation in Syria, strengthening a partnership that has grown despite tensions with Israel. The two countries say they are working more closely on security and stability in the region, reflecting a broader reset in their relationship. The pledge was made during a meeting of the US-Turkey Working Group in Washington, where diplomats committed to “increasing cooperation and coordination on the security and stability of Syria”. Ozgur Unluhisarcikli, who heads the German Marshall Fund office in Ankara, said this signals progress. “I think it shows us that Turkey and the US can get on the same page when it comes to Syria,” he said. “Disagreements in Syria were part of the problem between Turkey and the United States. There are other issues, but this one was one of the core issues.” Unluhisarcikli believes the good chemistry between Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Donald Trump is playing a role. “I think it’s significant President Erdogan is one of the leaders that President Trump likes working with and trusts. But of course, this is the case until it’s not,” he said. Macron urges Syrian leader to protect minorities after deadly clashes Israeli pushback The move comes despite a warning from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who told Trump during his February visit to Washington that Turkey was a security threat in Syria. Both countries have troops in Syria and see each other as rivals. Trump appeared to dismiss Netanyahu’s concerns, speaking to the international media from the Oval Office with the Israeli leader at his side. “I told the Prime Minister: Bibi, if you have a problem with Turkey, I really think I can be able to work it out,” Trump said. “I have a really great relationship with Turkey and its leader.” Erdogan, along with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, is credited with helping persuade Trump to lift sanctions on Syria. Israeli foreign policy analyst Gallia Lindenstrauss said the decision went against Israel’s position. She explained that Israel wanted any easing of sanctions to be linked to concessions by Damascus. “I think the fact the US ambassador to Turkey has been appointed as the envoy to Syria also means the Turkish position will get more attention from the US side,” Lindenstrauss said. “That in itself makes some concern in Israel. Because here Israel has its priorities with regards to Syria, it wants someone pushing Turkey to be more flexible and not, of course, to build bases throughout Syria. That would be a very threatening scenario regarding Israel.” Turkey's rivalry with Iran shifts as US threats create unlikely common ground Turkish airbases Israeli warplanes recently destroyed a Syrian airbase that Turkish forces were preparing to take over. Turkey says its growing military presence, including control of airbases, is aimed at helping Syria’s new rulers fight insurgent groups like the Islamic State. “For Turkey, Syria’s security and stability are of the utmost importance, and Turkey is devoting resources to keep Syria stable because Syria’s stability is so important for Turkey’s security, and that’s what Israel should understand,” Unluhisarcikli said. But Turkish airbases equipped with missile defences would restrict Israel’s freedom to operate in Syrian airspace. “Israel has just found an opportunity, an air corridor towards Iran (via Syrian airspace), which it can use without asking for permission from any third party,” Unluhisarcikli said. “If Turkey takes over the bases, then Israel would need to get permission from Turkey, which it doesn’t want to, and I think that’s understandable.” Azerbaijan has been mediating talks between Israel and Turkey to reduce tensions. The two sides have reportedly set up deconfliction systems, including a hotline. “There has been progress between Israel and Turkey over Syria. There have been at least three announced talks in Azerbaijan which is positive,” Lindenstrauss...